About neobyazykah. Lecture by Michael Daniel in Yandex
In everyday life, every day we are confronted with deviations from the norm of the Russian language - for example, with illiterate inscriptions and improper use of words. They irritate us or, at best, laugh. Nevertheless, such non-language, broken language and illiterate speech have their own internal system. It deserves no less (and perhaps more) scientific attention than the normative language that we learn in school.
Today we will talk about broken Russian, regional versions of the Russian language, pidzhins and their right to exist as objects of scientific research and a social phenomenon. And also about whether a negative attitude of society towards them (and a positive attitude towards the norm) can be objective or biased.
Consider a very common example of a departure from the language norm, “spoiled language”.
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Each of us has seen such examples more than once. We will try to determine a certain regularity in what kind of mistakes were made in this example. We see that mistakes are made in the feminine words of the first declension. We can’t say with certainty what exactly caused the error: gender or declination, we can’t exactly, we have too little background information: in our example, words with errors simultaneously belong to the female gender and to the first declination. However, some regularity can be traced, deviations from the norm of the language are systematic. Those. This is some linguistic phenomenon worth exploring. In this case, we can only conclude that the author’s native language is not Russian, but at the same time he speaks Russian sufficiently to convey the necessary information.
Dagestan is the richest language place in Russia. In total, about 100 languages ​​are spoken in our country, about forty of them are in use in Dagestan. These languages ​​are so different from each other that their speakers do not understand each other. Therefore, Russian is used for communication, but it is a special Russian - with noticeable deviations from the language norm. Consider a few examples of markers of Dagestan speech:
Immediately questions arise: why do regional variants of the language arise, and where do they come from? We will look at the answer to the first question later, but for now we will understand how such language variations arise. The main hypothesis is that sub-standard regional language forms are most often associated with the influence of some other language. If the urban population of Dagestan, the first language most often becomes Russian (of course, its regional variant), then in rural areas they first begin to speak in ethnic languages, the influence of which affects the Russian studied later.
Let us examine a couple of examples of Dagestan Russian. This is a quote from the speech of a girl from rural Dagestan (her first language was ethnic), which told about her studies at the university in Makhachkala.
Usually we perceive such impregnations of the word “yes” as a harsh and hard imperative implying a threat. At the same time, if we draw parallels with the mother tongue that used this construction of the girl, then it would rather correspond to a soft imperative. And our perception is due to the fact that we hear this construction in rough speech. We look at the language through a social lens, we attribute to language some meanings that are actually connected not with the language itself, but with the people and stereotypes with which it is associated.
Let us give one more construction, which is very common in rural Russian in Dagestan, but at the same time it almost does not occur in urban areas.
This is a transcription of oral speech, therefore there are many features peculiar to it in general, and not specifically for the rural Russian in Dagestan specifically. And our task is to discover them. For example, we see that the word “turns out” is used differently than it is accepted in the normative Russian language. We are used to the fact that this word in such a context means that for the narrator the described fact is new and unexpected information. At the same time, the narrator talks about his grandmother, and the facts of her biography are clearly known information for him. In this case, the word “turns out” is a marker of some grammatical category, which indicates that the narrator was not an eyewitness to the mentioned event. This is called the category of evidentiality; it is present in many languages, including the native language of the narrator from our example. Those. we observe language interference, a very common phenomenon among bilingual people.
One of the most frequent manifestations of linguistic interference is the accent: the projection of the phonetics of one language onto another. The emphasis in varying degrees occurs in almost everyone who speaks not in their native language. In our example, the grammatical category is projected. In most of the Dagestan languages, the category of evidentiality is obligatory: the speaker must, using a special form of the verb, explicitly express whether he witnessed the event being described.
The word “turns out” is also a category known in many languages, meaning the speaker's surprise from the information being narrated. This is called mirativ (from the Latin. Admire, be amazed). And this category is closely related to evidentiality. It turns out that the speaker wants to express the meaning obligatory for his native language, but does not find such a category in Russian, and therefore expresses this meaning through the category closest to him. He himself, naturally, does not realize this, which only proves once again that it is not for nothing that linguists put these categories together.
If you do not go into details, you can define pidgin, as simplified languages, arising in cases where the need for communication between the two groups is, but there is no common language between them. In fact, pidgin can not even be called a language in the usual sense. This is a means of communication, a code that allows you to solve certain goals, such as shopping.
Let us give an example of several phrases from the talk - Russian pidgin, used in Taimyr:
The use of the word "place" in this example is interesting. If in Russian it is a noun, then in speaking the word “place” acts as a post -sentence - the service part of speech in terms of functions performed similar to a preposition, but following the word to which it refers. We see that this postposition is used in completely different ways. Polysemy is generally a very common phenomenon in pidgin. For example, in the same conversation the word "water" refers to all types of reservoirs.
There are several types of pidgin:
Pidgin usually refer to broken, spoiled languages. But many pidginas are complex, well-built systems that do an excellent job with the communicative function assigned to them.
Having watched the lecture to the end, you will learn how a pidgin differs from a Creole language, whether all languages ​​on Earth are equivalent, whether there are correct or incorrect variants of a language, and how the language norm is determined.
Today we will talk about broken Russian, regional versions of the Russian language, pidzhins and their right to exist as objects of scientific research and a social phenomenon. And also about whether a negative attitude of society towards them (and a positive attitude towards the norm) can be objective or biased.
Consider a very common example of a departure from the language norm, “spoiled language”.
')
Each of us has seen such examples more than once. We will try to determine a certain regularity in what kind of mistakes were made in this example. We see that mistakes are made in the feminine words of the first declension. We can’t say with certainty what exactly caused the error: gender or declination, we can’t exactly, we have too little background information: in our example, words with errors simultaneously belong to the female gender and to the first declination. However, some regularity can be traced, deviations from the norm of the language are systematic. Those. This is some linguistic phenomenon worth exploring. In this case, we can only conclude that the author’s native language is not Russian, but at the same time he speaks Russian sufficiently to convey the necessary information.
Dagestan Russian
Dagestan is the richest language place in Russia. In total, about 100 languages ​​are spoken in our country, about forty of them are in use in Dagestan. These languages ​​are so different from each other that their speakers do not understand each other. Therefore, Russian is used for communication, but it is a special Russian - with noticeable deviations from the language norm. Consider a few examples of markers of Dagestan speech:
Especially penny, too, no.
No goodbye.
And what has become?
... happens to live / ... live.
Leave your topic!
Immediately questions arise: why do regional variants of the language arise, and where do they come from? We will look at the answer to the first question later, but for now we will understand how such language variations arise. The main hypothesis is that sub-standard regional language forms are most often associated with the influence of some other language. If the urban population of Dagestan, the first language most often becomes Russian (of course, its regional variant), then in rural areas they first begin to speak in ethnic languages, the influence of which affects the Russian studied later.
Let us examine a couple of examples of Dagestan Russian. This is a quote from the speech of a girl from rural Dagestan (her first language was ethnic), which told about her studies at the university in Makhachkala.
There is also no writing, so I am writing in Russian.
I had to go to the dean's office after class, and we had a lezginka elder, and my classmate said to me: a - she said - since you still go to the dean's office, take my journal too, take the journal so that I can also go to the second floor not dragged.
Usually we perceive such impregnations of the word “yes” as a harsh and hard imperative implying a threat. At the same time, if we draw parallels with the mother tongue that used this construction of the girl, then it would rather correspond to a soft imperative. And our perception is due to the fact that we hear this construction in rough speech. We look at the language through a social lens, we attribute to language some meanings that are actually connected not with the language itself, but with the people and stereotypes with which it is associated.
Let us give one more construction, which is very common in rural Russian in Dagestan, but at the same time it almost does not occur in urban areas.
They [the grandmother and her family] turned out to be when they were very small, probably pre-school age, like this, they were evicted to Siberia, it turned out to be evicted to Siberia, <...> there she went to school. <...> In Siberia, I don’t know in which city that there were ... they turned out to be educated people, then they studied at the school, and if they translate, they translated <...>.
This is a transcription of oral speech, therefore there are many features peculiar to it in general, and not specifically for the rural Russian in Dagestan specifically. And our task is to discover them. For example, we see that the word “turns out” is used differently than it is accepted in the normative Russian language. We are used to the fact that this word in such a context means that for the narrator the described fact is new and unexpected information. At the same time, the narrator talks about his grandmother, and the facts of her biography are clearly known information for him. In this case, the word “turns out” is a marker of some grammatical category, which indicates that the narrator was not an eyewitness to the mentioned event. This is called the category of evidentiality; it is present in many languages, including the native language of the narrator from our example. Those. we observe language interference, a very common phenomenon among bilingual people.
One of the most frequent manifestations of linguistic interference is the accent: the projection of the phonetics of one language onto another. The emphasis in varying degrees occurs in almost everyone who speaks not in their native language. In our example, the grammatical category is projected. In most of the Dagestan languages, the category of evidentiality is obligatory: the speaker must, using a special form of the verb, explicitly express whether he witnessed the event being described.
The word “turns out” is also a category known in many languages, meaning the speaker's surprise from the information being narrated. This is called mirativ (from the Latin. Admire, be amazed). And this category is closely related to evidentiality. It turns out that the speaker wants to express the meaning obligatory for his native language, but does not find such a category in Russian, and therefore expresses this meaning through the category closest to him. He himself, naturally, does not realize this, which only proves once again that it is not for nothing that linguists put these categories together.
Pidgin
If you do not go into details, you can define pidgin, as simplified languages, arising in cases where the need for communication between the two groups is, but there is no common language between them. In fact, pidgin can not even be called a language in the usual sense. This is a means of communication, a code that allows you to solve certain goals, such as shopping.
Let us give an example of several phrases from the talk - Russian pidgin, used in Taimyr:
This is a long deer antler. / This deer has long antlers.
What kind of people are you? / Who are you?
I saw his place shop. / I saw him in the store.
Chimi girl song sang me sister place. / Girl Chimi sang a song for my sister.
The use of the word "place" in this example is interesting. If in Russian it is a noun, then in speaking the word “place” acts as a post -sentence - the service part of speech in terms of functions performed similar to a preposition, but following the word to which it refers. We see that this postposition is used in completely different ways. Polysemy is generally a very common phenomenon in pidgin. For example, in the same conversation the word "water" refers to all types of reservoirs.
There are several types of pidgin:
- The plantation language (interethnic). Such pidzhins arose during slaveholding times, when slaves from different tribes who spoke different languages ​​had to find some common means of communication.
- The language of commerce.
- The tongue of vagrants.
- Sailor's language. Sometimes carriers of different languages ​​could gather on the same ship and need to somehow communicate and coordinate their actions.
- Service language.
Pidgin usually refer to broken, spoiled languages. But many pidginas are complex, well-built systems that do an excellent job with the communicative function assigned to them.
Having watched the lecture to the end, you will learn how a pidgin differs from a Creole language, whether all languages ​​on Earth are equivalent, whether there are correct or incorrect variants of a language, and how the language norm is determined.
Source: https://habr.com/ru/post/219085/
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